The
chiefdom of Weapemeoc died with a whimper and not a bang. Most of the other Native groups who I
mentioned in my previous post on North Carolina lost a major Indian war
("major" for them at least) against the English and this resulted in
them losing autonomy over their previous territory: the Tuscarora War saw the
Pamlico, Mattamuskeet, Coree, and Neusioc all allying with the southern Tuscarora
and all losing alike. But there was no
Weapemeoc War, no major land cession, and no forced removal to the west. The English settlers just landed like
raindrops, until one day all of Weapemeoc was soaked.
This
situation was probably caused by: a) the severe depopulation of the native
North Carolinans by the time of the Albemarle colony, possibly caused by Old
World contagion. The depopulation may
not have been quite so severe in the beginning, when Nathaniel Batts staked his
claim in ca. 1655, but it got there soon enough. And: b) the extremely diffuse nature of the Albemarle settlements. Noeleen McIlvenna's book argues that the
first settlers here wanted to get away from "The Man" and to live
independently—each house was on its own, sometimes miles away from the next,
and it took decades before they even had their first town.
In
other words there weren't very many whites or
Indians involved, which makes trying to decide exactly who owned what a
problematic endeavor.
Against
my better judgement I went through every entry in Margaret Hofmann's The Province of North Carolina: Abstracts of
Land Patents and recorded the date and location of every patent listed up
to the year 1705—with a few additional entries from the NCLandGrants website
and Nell Marion Nugent's Cavaliers and
Pioneers: Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents and Grants—and plotted their
location and density-per-area on the following map. This was not a straightforward task: many
entries were extremely vague about their location, which had to be inferred
from neighbors' entries or other hunches.
For obsolete names the North
Carolina Gazetteer: A Dictionary of Tar Heel Places and Their History was a
little help but not much. The map is
arbitrarily divided into 27 geographical districts, and because of the
inevitable errors I didn't bother with numbers: each district is fuzzily
color-coded for population:
Having
done that I can firmly say that it was mostly
pointless. I knew this wouldn't give me
a real-time unfolding of settlement, since most people didn't bother officially
registering theirs at the time they first made it—this is especially true for
the first couple decades. So the
"first" appearance of a land claim is artificial: determined by
politics more than anything else. There
is a sudden glut of new entries for the year 1696 that came as a result of
governor Phillip Ludwell encouraging people to register their lands (McIlvenna
p.85). There are other gluts for
1684 and 1704.
The Abstracts also list very, very few of the settlements made before the 1680's, though there must have been many more of these unrecorded. My heatmap accounts for what few of these I could locate in space and time, and they demonstrate the
aforesaid diffuseness:
1657: Nathaniel
Batts has a house at the western end of Albemarle Sound, according to the
Comberford Map. People seem to say he
settled there in 1655; I don't know how much of that is an estimate or guess.
1660: Nathaniel
Batts purchases all the land south of Pasquotank River from King Kiscutanewh of
the "Yausapin" Indians [= Yeopim = Weapemeoc].
1661: King
Kilcocanen of the Yeopim sells two parcels along the Perquimans River to George
Durant and one to Samuel Pricklove. The
language is hard to interpret but I think both parcels were south of the
Perquimans, northeast or east of Yeopim Creek. (Albertson 1914:7, Petrey
2014:100f)
1663: John
Varnham is granted a settlement near "Skinner's Point" a.k.a.
"Moseley's Point". These names
appear on John Lawson's map, located at modern Horniblow Point. (Hofmann:37,
NCHGR:3)
1663: John Harvey also this year purchases land on
"a small Creek called Curatuck falling into the River
Recoughtancke". I can't connect the
name "Recoughtancke" to anything, but several later settlements were
made along the Northwest River-Tull Creek system which drains into Curritunk
Sound, so I'm guessing it was somewhere there. (Hofmann:37)
1663: Henry Palin registers a settlement at the
mouth of Newbegun Creek on the southwest shore of Pasquotank River. (Nugent:425)
1663: Samuell
Davis and five others have settlements east of the Little River. (Nugent:426, Hofmann:11,37)
1663: Three
settlements are registered west of the Chowan River. (Nugent:426)
1663: Thomas
Hodgkin registers a settlement on the western side of Edenton Bay. (Nugent:426)
Mapped
out:
Kings
Kiscutanewh and Kilcocanen are probably the same person: in one of George
Durant's deeds Kilcocanen is also called "Kistotanene", and in the
other deed the king is called both "Ciskitando" and
"Cuscutenew". Kilcocanen might
be a misreading of "Kiſcocanen" (yes, people mistook long ſ'es in
those days too): all these names then seem to have the same /kisko/ element also
found in Okisco, the name of the Weapemeoc chieftain in 1585. One wonders what relevance this has to royal
nomenclature in the language of the Weapemeoc; we'll probably never know for
sure.
The
Abstracts of Land Patents also
utterly fail to record the settlements on the eastern shore of the Chowan river
prior to 1700. We know that these
existed because George Fox (founder of the Quakers) visited that region in 1672
and wrote of it in his journal, which is one of our best sources of information
on the first couple decades of Albemarle, even if his visit there only takes up
a few pages.
As
Fox writes: he left Virginia from the Nansemond River ["Nancemum
Water"] traveling by horse overland to a Bonner's Creek. He descended Bonner's Creek by canoe to a
Macocomocock River. He then paddled down
a Maratick river (without mentioning whether the aforementioned Macocomocock is
a tributary of Maratick) to "the bay Connie-oak" and, exchanging his
canoe for a boat, crossed the sound to reach the house of governor Nathaniel
Batts. These are the only locations he
names.
Blue = "Maſsacacany", Purple = "Morataux", Red = "Batts Houſe" |
The
"Maratick" river cannot be the Roanoke or "Marattico" river
of previous decades. It may however be
the "Morataux" river of the 1657 Comberford map. That same map also shows governor Batts'
house at the western end of Albemarle sound.
Upstream from the Morataux is another river with a name something like
"Maſsacacany"—it's really hard to tell, but this may be Fox's
"Macocomocock". Beyond that
it's hard to reconcile the map with Fox's narrative: these rivers may have been
part of the Bennetts, Catherine, or Indian creeks. Altogether the Fox memoir shows that in 1672
there were settlements along the following itinerary:
"How
many" settlements is harder to say.
In places Fox's narrative makes it sound like there were still more
Natives in that area than there were English.
"The
governor, with his wife, received us lovingly; but a doctor there would needs
dispute with us. And truly his opposing
us was of good service, giving occasion for the opening of many things to the
people, concerning the light and Spirit of God, which he denied to be in every
one; and affirmed that it was not in the Indians. Whereupon I called an Indian to us, and asked
him, "Whether or not, when he lied, or did wrong to any one, there was not
something in him that reproved him for it?" he said, "There was such
a thing in him, that did so reprove him; and he was ashamed when he had done
wrong, or spoken wrong." So we
shamed the doctor before the governor and the people; insomuch that the poor
man ran out so far, that at length he would not own the Scriptures."
(Journal of George Fox)
I
have several population maps which marginally cover North Carolina, but the
only ones of any use are the following:
Binford
1964 (left) and 1967 (right), showing settlement in 1675:
These
are almost identical, except that the '64 map shows settlement in Albemarle and
the '67 map does not. This is probably a
mistake on the '67 map.
Binford
again but for 1711:
And
1722:
And
a map by Mark Anderson Moore from NCPedia:
Binford's
maps as well as my heatmap together show a general trend of settlement moving
west-to-east within the Albemarle district.
Binford shows it advancing more slowly than mine—my maps show many
settlements both sides of Pasquotank river by 1705, his show all settlement
west of the Perquimans by 1711—but who knows how long the local Indians
remained a controlling majority in an area after the first few English
settlements were put down? Eventually,
though, what remained of the Weapemeocs were gradually hemmed in to the east. Their second-to-last holdout was along the
upper Pasquotank River, where a tribe called the Pasquotank resided for a
time. Presumably they had previously
lived on the bay or the sound but had been driven inward toward the swamp by
English settlers:
Map of wetlands, from Taukchiray (2021). |
These
Pasquotanks had a legal order of protection drawn up for them in 1697, but
according to Wesley Taukchiray this order had very dull teeth and many of the
Indians relocated soon after, presumably to the east. There was still a small village of Pasquotanks
living there in 1709, according to John Lawson, but from a geographical
standpoint these people had—so to speak—been swamped.
The
last Weapemeoc holdout was along the shores of North River (inhabited by the
Yeopim) and on the finger of land between it and Curritunk Sound (inhabited by
the Poteskeet).
Detail from the Cowley & Moseley map of 1737 |
By
the 18th century it becomes difficult to say exactly when the former Weapemeoc
chiefdom finally lost its independence.
As a people and an ethnos they persisted into the days of
the American Revolution. They even
continued to have "kings" but this in itself doesn't equal
geopolitical autonomy: think of all the African kingdoms which still have
hereditary kings even though the actual business of governing is now done by
nation-states of entirely different configuration. All through the latter-1600's the Weapemeoc
had been becoming more and more like the English—culturally and, one assumes
eventually, genetically. They owned
individual plots, raised cattle and English crops, and many practiced
Christianity.
One
contender for "last year of the Weapemeoc" is 1704. That year the Yeopim registered a claim,
listed in the Abstracts of Land Patents:
368 pg. 136
the KING and NATION of the YAWPIN INDIANS 2 October 1704 10,240 acres on the North East side and
South West side of North River, joining HENRY CREECH /s/ ROBT. DANIELL, SAMUEL SWANN, FRANCIS
TOMES, W. GLOVER
This
is sometimes referred to as the Yeopim being placed onto a reservation, and if
they were then having to live only where the government of North Carolina
permitted them then it may be fair to say these people were politically
defeated and that their territory was thenceforth a part of the English
Empire. I don't know how many acres deep
these riverside grants were typically stacked, but 10,240 acres could
potentially be a large percentage of the North River Bay. I'm also not certain whether by "the
Yawpin Indians" this is supposed to refer to all the former Weapemeoc or
only the Yeopim proper (i.e. not including Poteskeet and Pasquotank) —according
to Taukchiray, the English at times just called them all Yeopims. John Lawson appears to have distinguished the
three groups, except his listing of the Yeopim ("Jaupim") is a little
anomalous, and Whitney Petrey thinks the "Jaupim" may have been a
different group altogether (Petrey p123; Lawson p234).
If
the 1704 reservation did only apply to the Yeopim proper, then the Poteskeet
tribe would have retained possession of the finger of land by Currituck
Sound—at least for a time. Whitney
Petrey (p145) and Wesley Taukchiray (p134) both
believe that the Poteskeets outnumbered the Yeopims at around this time,
despite what John Lawson had said to the contrary. Petrey infers this partly from the Crowley
and Moseley map of 1737 (shown above), which shows the Potoſkite village toward the end of the finger, south of the
village of the Yawpim.
If
the Poteskeets of Currituck were the last autonomous Weapemeocs, it is
impossible to objectively decide when that autonomy was lost. A somewhat arbitrary but appealing date might
be 1715, after the conclusion of the Tuscarora War. Elsewhere in the North Carolina tidewater,
other Native tribes effectively lost their independence at this time, having
chosen the losing side in that war; and although the Weapemeoc in fact chose
the winning side, I still assume a
shift at this time in English attitudes and policy toward Indian nations
resident in the Sounds. I must
"assume" this because, unfortunately, there is so little solid ground
to stand on.
* *
*
The
English presence west of the Chowan River is more difficult to assess than that
to the east. The Virginia Land Patents list three settlements west of the Chowan in
1663. Then there are no more patents
listed until 1704 when the North Carolina
Abstracts list one. Thomas Parramore
in his article on the Tuscaroras' relationship with Albemarle suggests that the
1663 settlements were along Salmon Creek, but that the Tuscaroras soon after
chased them off. I don't know how many
English remained west of Chowan after this, but the Tuscarora evidently didn't
drive everyone off: George Fox found Nathaniel Batts still living there in
1672, as well as that doctor who doubted whether the Light and Spirit of God
dwelt within the Indians.
The
same year as George Fox's visitation, the Albemarle settlers made an agreement
with the Tuscarora that the English wouldn't build settlements (or maybe just
wouldn't build more settlements) west
of the Chowan River. Thomas Parramore
says that this treaty held for the next thirty years, until 1701 when the
English began seizing westerly lands from the Meherrin. By this time the Chowanoc had been defeated
by the English and the Weyanoke had left the Chowan river, and according to
Parramore the Meherrin were "tolerated by [the Tuscaroras] in an area
nominally within Tuscarora jurisdiction".
Some
people must have at one point thought that the 1660's settlements were located
along Roanoke River, rather than on Salmon Creek. D. W. Meinig shows as much in The Shaping of America, volume one:
Meinig's
source for this may have been Herman Friis' population maps, which show a
cluster there in 1675:
This
might have been motivated by misidentifying George Fox's "Maratick"
river with the Roanoke, which was also called the Moratuc. I don't think the Comberford map had been
discovered when Friis did his research.
From
the Weapemeocs' perspective, however, they would have lost their territory west
of the Chowan river to the Tuscarora well before Nathaniel Batts moved in. In my Carolina Algonquian post I speculated
that the Moratucs had been driven from the west end of Albemarle sound by 1608
(and more tentatively that it happened by 1600) . . . it's possible that the
Tuscaroras had driven off the Weapemeocs at this time as well. It almost certainly wasn't later than 1644,
when the Tuscaroras granted the Weyanocks a residence west of the Chowan
river. I speculate in my earlier post
that the Chowanocs there weren't swept by the Tuscarora until after 1632, and
that if they had driven off the Moratuc and Chowanoc by then they would've done
so to the Weapemeoc in between as well.
So as a guesstimation, on the map below I date this first Weapemeoc
retreat to ca. 1635.
* *
*
South
of Albemarle Sound, settlement began at least by 1684: this is when the Abstracts of Land Patents list the first
patent along the west of Scuppernong River.
Many more patents on either side of Scuppernong are listed in 1704. It seems that the first half-decade of the
eighteenth century was when Albemarle started expanding to the far sides of
both the Chowan River and the Albemarle Sound, exactly as Mark Anderson Moore's
map shows.
But
this blog post is about the Weapemeoc—it isn't about the Meherrin and Chowanoc
in the west or the Roanoke and Mattamuskeet in the south. So just confining ourselves to
"mainland" Albemarle, how might we map the progressive dimunition of
Weapemeoc territory? To recap, the
anchorpoints are:
· English settlements on the east side of
Chowan river and at the back end of Albemarle sound by 1672, when George Fox
sojourned there. This bloc of settlement
got its start with Nathaniel Batts in the mid-1650s.
· The Indians' loss of [the northeast side
of] the Pasquotank River district shortly after 1697.
· The granting of a "reservation"
to the Yeopim on North River in 1704.
· (Subjective) The English settlements on
Roanoke river and/or Salmon creek were probably not sufficient enough to not make that area de facto Tuscarora
territory until at least 1701.
· (Very Subjective) The finger of land between
North River and Currituck Sound remained Poteskeet territory until after the
Tuscarora War.
To
this only a little can be added by my heatmap data: the presence of English
settlements in the Northwest River/Tull Creek area starting in 1663, and a solid
English occupation of the lands west of Perquimans river by 1685 . . . In fact
since most of those "1685" datapoints are from the 1684 glut of
entries (which were probably late to be recorded), I'm going to guess that that
area was actually English-controlled by about 1680.
That
yields this map:
Any
future animation or streamlining of this will probably just be naked
interpolation.
By
the way, I am not at all assuming that the so-called Weapemeocs in the
mid-1600s were still functioning or considering themselves as a single group in
any meaningful sense. (This is assuming
that they even did so in the late 1500's . . . but I went over that already in
my Carolina Algonquians post.) Rather
they were Yeopim, Poteskeets, Pasquotanks, and possibly other tribes as
well. Whitney Petrey names the Chepanoc
and Masconing tribes, and Maurice Mook named (a little skeptically) the
Perquimans and Currituck. But these
smaller tribes mostly can't be tracked—I have no idea what tribe inhabited the
east bank of Chowan river, for instance—so it's best to lump them all under the
umbrella label "Weapemeoc". No
need to pretend to any more precision than we have to.
Sources:
Catherine Albertson (1914). In Ancient Albemarle.
Lewis Roberts Binford (1964). Archaeological and Ethnohistorical
Investigation of Cultural Diversity and Progressive Development among
Aboriginal Cultures of Coastal Virginia and North Carolina. Doctoral
dissertation, University of Michigan.
— (1967). An
Ethnohistory of the Nottoway, Meherrin and Weanock Indians of Southeastern
Virginia.
Herman Friis (1940). A Series of Population
Maps of the Colonies and the United States, 1625-1790. Geographical Review, Vol 30, No 3.
George Fox (1694). Journal of George Fox. (PDF available at https://www.friendslibrary.com/george-fox/journal).
Margaret M. Hofmann (1979). Province of North Carolina 1663 – 1729:
Abstracts of Land Patents.
John Lawson (1709). A New Voyage to Carolina.
Noeleen McIlvenna (2009). A Very Mutinous People.
D. W. Meinig (1986). The Shaping of America, Volume 1.
Maurice A. Mook (1944). Algonkin ethnohistory
of the Carolina Sound. Part One in Journal
of the Washington Academy of Sciences, Vol 34, No 6, Part Two in Vol 34, No
7.
NC Land Grants website (www.NCLandGrants.com).
NCPedia website (www.ncpedia.org).
Nell Marion Nugent (1934). Cavaliers and Pioneers: Abstracts of
Virginia Land Patents and Grants 1623-1800, Volume One.
NCHGR: The
North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register, Vol 1, No 1 (1900).
Thomas C. Parramore (1982). The Tuscarora
Ascendancy. North Carolina Historical
Review, Vol 59, No 4.
Whitney R. Petrey (2014). Weapemeoc Shores: The Loss of Traditional
Maritime Culture among the Weapemeoc Indians. Master's thesis, East
Carolina University.
William S. Powell and Michael Hill (2010). The North Carolina Gazetteer: A Dictionary
of Tar Heel Places and Their History, Second Edition.
Wesley D. Taukchiray (2021). Merging in the
Other Direction. Chapter in Helen C. Rountree, Manteo's World: Native American Life in Carolina's Sound Country Before
and After the Lost Colony.